Mining Camps

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Over the past forty years, feminist critique has repeatedly reconsidered the Marxist dichotomy between “productive” and “reproductive” labour, expanding the concept of work to include non-monetized subsistence and family activities illustrating the diversity of ways in which “reproduction is production over time and space”, challenging the “naturalization” of homework. Footnote 110 Feminist historians have also recognized the gendered division of labour within the forms of subsistence production and highlighted “the power relations within family and home”, while they have also investigated the “structural impact” of non-paid labour by women in families and households. Footnote 111 Moreover, research has often questioned the significance of the sole male breadwinner family, focusing on the workforce that had been neglected, specifically women and children. It is noteworthy that the male breadwinner family has its origins in Western family ideology. Footnote 112 Almost eighty per cent of all gemstones are mined artisanally. Women are employed in panning, washing, and processing. Footnote 97 In the case of diamonds, before 1917, the Diamang Company in Angola worked with male and female labourers; in the last few decades of the twentieth century, women started to supply food to the company. Footnote 98 Gold exploitation is another arena for women. In Papua New Guinea, the gold industry can be dated to the late 1880s and was dominated by Europeans until 1960. Today, at least thirty per cent of the workforce there are women, engaged in manual activities such as tailings, panning, and sluicing. Footnote 99 In Ghana, gold-mining is a large-scale activity that comprises sixty-five per cent of all mining production, with 16,000 workers accounting for 66,000 jobs indirectly, while small and artisanal mining directly supports over one million individuals and creates additional employment for as many as five million. Women are omnipresent, engaged in work as ore haulers and washers, and as service providers (supplying food, clothing, water, and light mine supplies). Footnote 100 Women are also present in transporting ore and water, receiving salaries sixty per cent less than those paid to men. Footnote 101 In India, fifty-seven per cent of those involved in the small and informal gold-mining sector are women. Footnote 102 As a result of the protective laws and the exclusion of women from underground tasks, women's work became increasingly restricted to household work, while their pivotal role in reproduction and care work in mining communities was also insufficiently recognized. This process of “de-labourization” of women's work and the closely connected distinction made between productive and unproductive labour was in accordance with the classical political economy since Adam Smith, where unpaid care work and domestic activities were considered “unproductive” labour and underestimated. Footnote 7

Sources for historic production figures: Economic Geology, v. 107, pp. 963–989 – Structural and Stratigraphic Controls on Magmatic, Volcanogenic, and Shear Zone-Hosted Mineralization in the Chapais-Chibougamau Mining Camp, Northeastern Abitibi, Canada by François Leclerc et al. (Lac Dore/Chibougamau mining camp) and NI 43-101 Technical Report on the Joe Mann Property dated January 11, 2016 by Geologica Groupe-Conseil Inc. for Jessie Ressources Inc. (Joe Mann mine). Storey K. Fly-in/fly-out: implications for community sustainability. Sustainability. 2010;2(5):1161-81. CSG exploration and drilling occurred on private land and there was concern related to the disruption caused by flares, and the effects of CSG on water bores. There were issues raised relating to the environmental effects on fresh water sources in regions 2–4, which deterred participants from fishing for both recreation and consumption. CSG infrastructure also caused increased noise pollution and traffic, which affected community satisfaction with their environment and perceptions of safety. Newcomers were often described as transient people who were ‘coming for the economy with no intention to stay’. Community members in region 4 mentioned the under-utilised cemetery as an example of the few people who stayed permanently to retire and live the rest of their life in the region. Similar News:You can also read news stories similar to this one that we have collected from other news sources.Women created diverse networks of sociability and solidarity in the mining communities. Valerie Gordon Hall has challenged the strict division of labour among male miners and housewives even in “homogenous” patriarchal coal-mining communities by pointing to the variability of female identities among “housewives” and “political women” and activists. As she argues, in the period 1900-1939 women in Northumberland adopted new ideologies, such as feminism and socialism, while forging new political identities. Footnote 131 Before World War II, in Yubari, a coal-mining town in Japan, women created networks of sociability, with gatherings for tea, discussions, and sewing lessons. Because of the cramped space in the houses provided by the mining company, these women had to leave their homes and go somewhere “to kill time”, to allow their husbands to sleep quietly after a night shift in the mines. Gradually, these women's gatherings and informal support system became a formal system of mutual aid when the mine workers’ unionized. At the end of World War II, women supported union organization among miners. Footnote 132 There is evidence of indirect and long-term health and wellbeing implications of living in proximity to CSG development. How communities respond to the boom, post-boom transition and ‘bust’ of CSG development is important for government, the mining sector and the scientific community. The findings from this study may inform health service planning in regions affected by CSG development and provide the mining sector in regional Queensland with evidence from which to develop social responsibility programs that encompass health, social, economic and environmental assessments that more accurately reflect the needs of the community. In their article on “Female Workers in the Spanish Mines, 1860–1940”, Miguel Á. Pérez de Perceval Verde, Ángel Pascual Martínez Soto, and José Joaquín García Gómez study the direct employment of women in the mines in the golden age of this industry in Spain. The authors show clearly that the mining regulations at the end of the nineteenth century prohibiting the employment of women in underground mining in Spain legalized the prevailing situation. Women were therefore concentrated mainly in surface work, with important differences: they accounted for around five per cent of the total surface workforce, although in some exceptional cases, as in the manganese mines, women comprised thirty-three to fifty per cent in the Huelva region between 1902 and 1934 and twenty per cent in the Asturias mines, dropping to ten per cent in 1931–1934. This study shows also the enormous gender wage gap (they earned just forty per cent of the average wage of men who worked on the surface), which widened after 1920. The removal of women from the mines was considered an improvement for the working class, and the trade unions supported this policy. Although women participated actively in the most important mining conflicts, the reports did not mention any female “voice”.

The central argument in this Special Theme, and in this Introduction, is that in the history of mining the role of women as mineworkers and women as household workers has been overlooked. As early as 1993, Christina Vanja pointed out that the number of women working as miners was being underestimated, while in 2007 Laurie Mercier and Jaclyn Gier emphasized how mining has predominantly been associated with masculinity, and in 2012 Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt called into question the focus on big mining in mining history, which contributed to ignoring the role of women. Footnote 4 This erasure of women from the history of mining can be explained by the focus in the historiography on the implementation since the first decades of the nineteenth century of laws to protect women and children, resulting in a ban on and the exclusion of women and children from working in underground mines. This exclusion can also be explained by the dominance of the breadwinner model and an ideology that considered women primarily as mothers and reproducers of the labour force.

Growth and Development

Copper equivalent (CuEq) costs uses only payable gold in concentrate and is applied as a credit against costs.

Contingency, owner’s costs, EPCM and indirect costs on Joe Mann’s initial capital also included in the sustaining capital. Studies so far show that in many parts of the world the “protection” of women and the social organization of the mining industry resulted in unequal relationships between men and women being reinforced. This is why also, in the second half of the twentieth century, and particularly in its final decades, the various forms of protection were questioned in the name of equality. The ILO concluded that, since 1975, the “special measures” or protective laws acted as an obstacle to the full integration of women in economic life Footnote 81 and hindered the aim of equal opportunity and treatment adopted in Convention 11 in 1958 concerning discrimination in employment and occupation. You may also opt to downgrade to Standard Digital, a robust journalistic offering that fulfils many user’s needs. Compare Standard and Premium Digital here.

Refugees from Tenbeba village at Treguine refugee camp in eastern Chad. Fatna Idriss Adam is first on the left in the front row. Photograph: Gethin Chamberlain The 1842 Act was considered “the first and one of the most extensively documented pieces of discriminatory labour legislation”, Footnote 41 and the first time that “authorities limited the exploitation of a class of workers on the basis of gender, a distinction which has characterized protective labour legislation ever since”. Footnote 42 In France, the Law of 1874 prohibited underground work for girls and women. Footnote 43 The role of the ILO as a supranational authority during the interwar was crucial for the promotion and implementation of global labour standards. Footnote 69 The critique of feminist historians emphasizes that ILO conventions and recommendations “have not only reflected the male breadwinner ideal that unionized men struggled to realize” since the nineteenth century, but also that these instruments “gave member states guidance on how to deploy women workers, whether for the maintenance of people or the fashioning of goods and provision of services”. Footnote 70 Mining activity in all of the LGAs was in the development phase during data collection in 2014, which brought a high demand for labour, mostly in the form of non-resident workers, or fly-in-fly-out (FIFO) and drive-in-drive-out (DIDO) employees who resided in the communities whilst on shift. LGA B experienced an increase in non-resident population by 9100 during 2015, compared with 5120 in LGA A. The number of businesses increased from 495 in Region 2 in 2012 to 1255 in 2013, and to 1166 in 2014. In Region 1 a similar pattern was seen but on a smaller scale (435, 790 and 755). At the time of publication, however, mining construction has drawn to a close, leading to an operational phase and a marked decrease in housing and rental prices following the out flux of FIFO and DIDO workforce. Study design All scientific and technical data contained in this presentation has been reviewed and approved by Ernest Mast, P.Eng., President and CEO, a Qualified Person for the purposes of NI 43-101. The Qualified Persons mentioned above have reviewed and approved their respective technical information contained in this news release.

During the study period, participants in regions 1 and 4 were concerned with increasing cost of services in the community and subsequent stress and outmigration, and the perceived burgeoning division between those who benefited economically from the CSG development, and those who didn’t. As has been shown by research all over the globe, the household or family budget comprises various incomes: monetary and non-monetary goods and services from different social relations of paid and unpaid work. It has also highlighted the central role of unpaid work in the maintenance of the family and the household, while recent research has also explored the diversity of adaptive family economies. Footnote 113 Underpins potential for low-cost organic production growth (other nearby assets, including Cedar Bay and Copper Rand) to be evaluated during LOM)

Social channels

Cash operating cost and AISC are non-IFRS financial performance measures with no standardized definition under IFRS. Refer to note at end of this news release. The activity of mining as centred on the work of men ignored the important domestic work carried out by women and children. The association of work with value in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries meant that only those “activities that were performed for pay or that generated income” were regarded as value-producing. Work was progressively perceived as a commodity. Labour was defined as such only if it had market value, that is, if it could be measured in monetary terms. Activities necessary to individual and collective survival and well-being which had only a socially useful value were ignored and regarded as counter-productive work, because they did not produce goods destined for the market, and, being unpaid, were not considered an “occupation” or “employment”. Footnote 108